Thursday, December 17, 2009

Yesterday's Men

So, according to the National Accountability Bureau last week, President Asif Ali Zardari has assets of $1.5 billion – making him far richer that the Queen of England (worth only a paltry $450 million, for all those wondering). Makes you proud to be Pakistani, doesn't it? We can now tell our former colonial rulers "our head of state is richer than yours!" Although, perhaps, before we do, we should wait for the Supreme Court's ruling on whether the NRO is unconstitutional, and therefore whether the said head of state is to be tried on corruption cases.

Some foreign newspapers breathlessly ran with the story. "President Asif Zardari of Pakistan 'is a billionaire,' " screamed one particularly excitable headline in Britain's Daily Telegraph. Meanwhile, most of us upon hearing the report yawned. Old news. Quelle surprise. Nothing to see, ladies and gentleman, please move along.

In fact, the overwhelming reaction was a sense of déjà vu. Pakistani politics is stuck in a groundhog day – an endless repetition of the same characters, facing the same accusations, following the same pattern. Cases will come. Charges will be made. Sentences handed down. Cases will be appealed. Charges will be dropped. But nothing changes in Pakistan.

In two weeks' time we'll be entering the second decade of the 21st century. Yet this story – Zardari's alleged corruption – could have been drawn from the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the 2000s. The president's chief spokesman, Farhatullah Babar, himself admitted when responding to the latest allegations that these are "no more than a regurgitation of decades-old unproven, politically motivated allegations." Decades old? God, it seems longer!

Pakistani politics has become a stagnant cesspool – a repetitive regurgitation of the same people. Let's take a look at the facts pertaining to the political leaders of the three largest parties in Pakistan.

The Pakistan People's Party has been in the hands of the same family since its inception in 1967 – 42 years. While he is a relative newcomer to leading the party following the assassination of his wife in 2007, we mustn't forget that Zardari has been at the epicentre of PPP politics since his marriage to Benazir in 1987.

Nawaz Sharif came to prominence on the political scene in 1985 as the chief minister of Punjab, the very same job his brother holds today. Nawaz has been leading the PML-N since 1993.

Altaf Hussain formed the MQM in 1984 out of the remnants of the APMSO, a group he launched in 1979. As we all know, there has been no other leader of the MQM.

In the time that these three people and their families have monopolised the leadership of their respective parties, we have seen the fall of the Berlin Wall and the Soviet Union, the growth of the personal computer and the internet, 9/11, and the election of America's first black president. How many cricket captains and coaches have we sacked in this time due to poor performance? Yet, these three are still here. Every time our three main political leaders appear, one is automatically transported back to the 1980s -- the decade in which these three emerged onto the political scene. The 1980s also gave us the perm, Nazia Hassan, and VCRs. Yet, while these three are no longer with us, Asif, Nawaz and Altaf Bhai remain very much in place.

It's also worth noting that in a country where three-quarters of the population is under 30 years old, and half the population is under 20, the three main political leaders are 54, 60 and 56, respectively. Are they capable of tackling the most pressing problems facing Pakistan and its young?

The world's attention is on the Copenhagen climate conference at the moment. Pakistan is one of the countries that will be affected most by climate change. According to the UN, in the coming decades we will see reduction in our crop yields – up to 30 per cent in South Asia, spread of climate-sensitive diseases such as malaria, an increased risk of extinction of plant and animal species, water stress, and an increased risk of floods as glaciers retreat, followed by drought and water scarcity. Climate change will also have an impact for peace and security and migration. With a population estimated to rise by 85 million in the next 20 years – the equivalent of five Karachis – this is truly terrifying. So where do these leaders stand on this issue? What leadership have they shown on the subject? None.

The fact that these three emerged during the 1980s is not coincidental. The decade of Zia spawned a new political class frustrated with the stranglehold of a military dictatorship. However, we need to admit that these three are yesterday's men. They need to step aside, not just for the sake of their parties, but also their country. Pakistani politics needs a massive infusion of new blood -- new leaders with new ideas. Leaders who can provide solutions to some of Pakistan's most pressing problems, be it terrorism, population explosion or climate change. It's time for the next generation.

Thursday, December 10, 2009

Weakest Link, Goodbye

During the height of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland, bars in Boston, Massachusetts would sell drinks called ‘car bomb’ and ‘kill a Brit’ - the profit from which would go to doing just that. Cheers it wasn’t. The US was the largest financial contributor to IRA terrorism outside of Ireland, and along with Libya, the main supplier of weapons. The US Government even granted visas to the leadership of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the IRA, and invited them to the White House, against the expressed wishes of the British Government. However, at no point did the British Government impinge the sovereignty or rule of law of the Americans by sending crack teams of SAS soldiers into Boston’s bars to ‘grab and snatch’ the financiers of terrorist atrocities. Had it done so, all hell would have broken loose.

Yet, this is actually what is happening in Pakistan according to revelations made recently in the US publication The Nation. Yet, we in Pakistan remain supine to the Americans. According to a report by Jeremy Scarhill, who has written the definitive book on Blackwater, members of an elite division from Blackwater (Xe) based in Karachi are at the centre of a secret programme in which they plan targeted assassination of suspected Taliban and Al Qaeda operatives, ‘snatch and grabs’ of high-value targets and other sensitive action inside and outside of Pakistan. In another revelation, in this month’s Vanity Fair, Blackwater founder, Erik Prince, confirms the private security firm’s involvement in Pakistan loading Hellfire missiles onto drones and guarding the US Ambassador, Anne Patterson.

Only last month, when asked about the recent slew of reports about Blackwater in Pakistan, Ms Patterson denied their presence saying: ‘..it is frankly the frenzy and the conspiracy theories that proliferate in the Pakistani media. But yes, I think some of it is people who don’t want a closer relationship with the United States and they actively promote this.’

And yet, here we have confirmation, from none other than the head of Blackwater himself that they are operating in Pakistan. Either, as best, Ms Patterson was woefully ignorant about their presence – a level of ineptitude that makes her redundant as the US representative in Pakistan. Or, she was lying. Which was it Ms Patterson?

Blackwater’s presence in Karachi performing covert operations against Al Qaeda and Taliban targets is severely worrying. Unlike Iraq and Afghanistan, Pakistan has not been conquered by the US. This blatant disregard for Pakistan’s sovereignty proves that, despite Obama’s public wooing of the Islamic world, little has changed in attitude from the previous administration. When, during the Bush administration, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage told President Musharraf to ‘be prepared to be bombed. Be prepared to go back to the Stone Age’, it was widely perceived as the arrogance and imperious bluster of a neo-con regime. Yet, is the Obama administration any better?

Lying about Blackwater, increased drone attacks, and now private mercenaries operating in Pakistan, is the height of arrogance and disrespect towards the sovereignty of our democratically elected Government. The US Government purports to support democracy and rule of law in Pakistan and yet, through its clandestine actions in this country, is undermining these very institutions. How can we have a new beginning of trust with the US, as Hilary Clinton was advocating on her recent trip to Pakistan, when the US operates a ‘Do what I say, not what I do’ policy towards Pakistan.

But these revelations are also damaging to Pakistan in the long term. For too long, many of us in the media, have been battling the ultranationalists, conspiracy theorist and Taliban deniers. We have been arguing forcibly that the Islamist threat is our problem and our war. That our nation’s denial of personal responsibility in this war – ‘it’s them, not us – (them being Hindus, Jews, Americans etc) have crippled our growth and ability to tackle the problem. This toxic victim narrative embedded in the minds of many Pakistanis, and propagated by the likes of Zaid Hamid, Ahmed Quraishi and Shireen Mazari and their ilk, has proven alarmingly resilient to rational argument. Well, our job has just got a lot harder.

Blackwater’s presence will only reinforce the belief that this is America’s war – not ours. Thanks to these policies, credence has now been given to those who argue, like Imran Khan, that it’s the drone attacks and American intervention in Pakistan that is fueling the extremism engulfing our country. Winning the hearts and minds of Pakistanis and reducing the trust deficit has now become far more difficult.

The American Ambassador, with her diminutive frame, and immaculate appearance, reminds me of another Anne – Anne Robinson, the host of the BBC’s Weakest Link. For those who haven’t seen the programme, she dismisses the contestants who fail to make the grade with a disparaging flourish. Allow me to be equally contemptuous. Madam Ambassador, your bungling over Blackwater has now made you the weakest link. Goodbye.